The Timing of Adjunction

This paper proposes a combinatory algorithm of structure building within the bare phrase structure theory of the Minimalist program, which assumes operation Merge as the basic structure building device. The proposed algorithm enforces a particular timing of application of 'substitution' Merge and 'adjunction' Merge. In particular, I argue that XP adjuncts are Merged 'postcyclically' in overt syntax, either upon their insertion into the structure, or as part of the movement process (assuming that Merge is part of the displacement property). In essence, I pursue a stronger version of the thesis advanced, most prominently, in Lebeaux (1988), (1991) according to which adjuncts can be Merged late. The present theory effectively maintains that they must be: derivations where adjunct(s) are Merged cyclically are ruled out, with correspondent empirical effects. In addition to the minimalist assumptions concerning bare phrase structure (Chomsky (1995), (1998), Watanabe (1995)), the algorithm proposed here employs an intuitive definition of root of the tree/phrase-marker. The restrictive character of the present theory favorably distinguishes it from its competitors, in particular, Ishii (1998) who invokes additional mechanisms to achieve the same result.